Saturday, September 14, 2013
Friday, September 13, 2013
The next socialist push
In
case anyone wonders what the next great round of socialism will be, I
have a prediction, prophecy or political observation: We have come to
the point where the financial markets, the auto industry and eventually
the health care industry will function under the aegis of the federal
government. It's clear from Obama's campaign rhetoric what will come
next -- America's public education system.
Candidate Obama's language about reforming public education was more emphatic and detailed than his discussion of health care. And, making a case for nationalizing public education will attract broader support than the three previous venues (banking, autos, and health care).
President Obama will proclaim public education K-12 as too crucial to the future of the nation to be left in the hands of volunteer citizen committees, also known as School Boards and Independent School Districts. And, the distribution of school financing is, Obama will say, too dependent on the varying affluence levels among the states, and within their divergent communities. All of America's youth are entitled to an equal opportunity to receive a world class education. Anything less is unfair. Equal opportunity demands equal funding.
IF you wonder why public education is failing, it's by design so the socialists can get control of it and indoctrinate YOUR CHILDREN. The only cure is to fight hard to abolish public education, all of it, and replace it with a private driven by voucher system. We spend more on education than anyone on the planet per child and get much less for it. This must stop. At $12,000 average across the board for all education, private funded by vouchers solves all the problems. Not some socialist liberal madrassa that teaches kids proper condom use and ecology over English. Look at Common Core. It's uncommonly corrupting.
Candidate Obama's language about reforming public education was more emphatic and detailed than his discussion of health care. And, making a case for nationalizing public education will attract broader support than the three previous venues (banking, autos, and health care).
President Obama will proclaim public education K-12 as too crucial to the future of the nation to be left in the hands of volunteer citizen committees, also known as School Boards and Independent School Districts. And, the distribution of school financing is, Obama will say, too dependent on the varying affluence levels among the states, and within their divergent communities. All of America's youth are entitled to an equal opportunity to receive a world class education. Anything less is unfair. Equal opportunity demands equal funding.
IF you wonder why public education is failing, it's by design so the socialists can get control of it and indoctrinate YOUR CHILDREN. The only cure is to fight hard to abolish public education, all of it, and replace it with a private driven by voucher system. We spend more on education than anyone on the planet per child and get much less for it. This must stop. At $12,000 average across the board for all education, private funded by vouchers solves all the problems. Not some socialist liberal madrassa that teaches kids proper condom use and ecology over English. Look at Common Core. It's uncommonly corrupting.
I heard this on classical radio.
Yes, I do enjoy the Genre. In any case
not all Muslims and not all of those from Palestine are barbarians.
This is the Palestine Strings. It's pretty wonderful stuff. A bit
long, but you can scroll into any of it and enjoy. OR just let it run.
Vivaldi. How can you go wrong?
IF we could just get the government off it's back, the economy could recover.
Our political leadership from the President on down has no
understanding of macroeconomics at all. Product of of bad education.
So we drift into further decline with no
one at the helm. Kinda like our foreign policy. Bank bailouts and car
company bailouts and fake bankruptcies and union bolstering has almost
killed us. Our economy is now as bad as the 1930s in many ways. I
can't take any more hopy-changy.
Rand Paul On The War Path
Once dismissed by the GOP establishment as a gadfly, Paul is starting to look a lot like the leader of his party — and his enemies are panicking.
WASHINGTON — Sen. Rand Paul was in the middle of one of his trademark takedowns of the “right-wing hawks” in his party who “have never met a war they didn’t want to get involved in,” when he suddenly paused and began grinning.
“There was a funny article the other day in Mother Jones — did you see it? About one of my colleagues?” he asked.
He was trying to do the polite, senatorial thing by not mentioning his “colleague” by name. But when his vague prompt was met with a blank look during an interview with BuzzFeed, he scrapped the pretense of diplomacy and charged forward.
“It ranked the different countries on how eager Sen. [John] McCain wanted to be involved [militarily],” he explained, not even attempting to contain his amusement. “So, like, for getting involved in Syria, there’s five Angry McCains. For getting involved in the Sudan, there’s two Angry McCains. And there’s a little picture of him. You know, he was for getting involved to support [former Libyan president Muammar] Gaddafi before he was for overthrowing Gaddafi. He was for supporting [former Egyptian president Hosni] Mubarak before he was for supporting the Muslim Brotherhood before he was for supporting the generals.”
Not long ago, the Washington grown-ups who run the Republican Party would have dismissed the junior senator from Kentucky making cracks about an establishment pillar like McCain as little more than the goading of a gadfly. But over the past two weeks, it has become clear that Paul’s brand of Republicanism has spread deeply within his party. He successfully rallied a bipartisan coalition of lawmakers against a military intervention in Syria; thoroughly embarrassed Republican leaders who supported the air strikes; and temporarily elevated himself to the role of de facto foreign policy spokesman for the GOP. When President Obama took his case for war to the American people in a primetime address this week, it was Paul who delivered the unofficial Republican counterargument in a series of interviews and a widely covered speech.
Paul, in short, is winning. The Syria debate marked the first time since House Republicans tried to keep America out of the Kosovo conflict in 1999 that a libertarian approach to foreign policy seriously challenged the GOP’s old-guard caucus of hawks. And this time, the libertarians came out on top. In this context, his McCain mocking didn’t come off as mischievously trolling for a couple headlines — it seemed a little like punching down.
Don’t expect Paul to stop swinging. The plainly ambitious libertarian and prospective 2016 presidential candidate has big plans for his party and his country — plans that will require winning a lot of arguments, defeating a lot of opponents, and effectively conquering a GOP establishment that often treats him like a tumor that needs to be surgically removed. He is always on offense: Over the course of his 20-minute interview with BuzzFeed, he took swipes — with varying degrees of force — at Bill Kristol, Samantha Power, Chris Christie, President Obama, President Bush, Cory Booker, humanitarian interventionists, and pro-war Christians (to name a few).
One of his favorite targets — and the one that most delights the political press — is the Bush-era army of neoconservative Republicans who championed the Patriot Act and led the U.S. into war with Iraq. (Paul believes the U.S. should only use military force when the country’s national security is directly at risk.)
“So many of the neocons in our party, they think they’re the great defenders of the military. They think, Oh, the soldiers must love me because I want to be involved in war,” Paul said, before criticizing the assumption that members of the military are eager to fight. “They will, they volunteered, and they’re the most patriotic of our young people. But they’re not excited about war. They want to go to war if it’s the thing they have to do to defend our country.”
When asked about the misguided prediction Kristol made earlier this month that only five Senate Republicans would side with Paul in opposing the Syria strikes, the senator interjected to ask, “You saw my response to him?” (Paul had challenged his neoconservative nemesis to visit a military base and talk to GIs before assuming popular opinion was on his side.) Satisfied that his jab had properly penetrated the media sphere, he proceeded to lay out where he believed the votes stood in the Senate. His estimate that 20 or 25 Republicans would vote no was probably modest: The latest unofficial count suggests the number could top 30.
It would be easy to mistake Paul’s successes this year — from his campaign against the Syria intervention to his attention-grabbing filibuster against U.S. drone use to the public backlash against the types of domestic surveillance programs he’d been warning about for years — as some sort of permanent sea change in American politics.
Paul knows better. He acknowledges that his ideas have benefited from “a degree of partisanship” on the right. Republicans, after all, might not be quite so skeptical of executive power, or outspoken against the ever-expanding surveillance state, once one of their own is in the Oval Office. What’s more, he spent enough time watching the GOP ignore, then laugh at, then co-opt, then abandon his father’s libertarian platform to recognize the fickleness that can define political parties.
But he is also adamant that his agenda’s growing popularity is a product of the times: “There’s a big transition in the Republican Party, but also in the public. People are right about the public being war-weary. They’re right.”
Meanwhile, his recognition that the fight is nowhere near won seems to fuel his apparently endless appetite for political combat.
Paul often aims at the president, using his nonstandard political philosophy to find fresh critiques of the administration. He laid into the “Samantha Powers of the world” who foolishly want to “send troops to feed people” in remote countries all over the world. And he called out Obama himself, whose rationale for putting armed forces at risk in Syria he finds indefensible.
“The other day, when [the president] came to lunch, [he said] that we’re not facing very many direct threats in this world to the United States… and so you’re going to have to be involved in much more ambiguous situations,” Paul recalled. “I’m guessing he wouldn’t use that term in public but that’s the term he used with us.”
Paul also finds plenty to dislike in his own party’s approach to beating the war drum — particularly the theological overtones of the Bush years. In a strikingly candid speech last year at the Value Voters Summit, Paul, a Presbyterian, cited his religious beliefs while declaring, “I’m not a pacifist. But I do think it unacceptable not to hate war.”
He elaborated to BuzzFeed: “I think some within the Christian community are such great defenders of the promised land and the chosen people that they think war is always the answer, maybe even preemptive war. And I think it’s hard to square the idea of a preemptive war and, to me, that over-eagerness [to go to] war, with Christianity.”
In the world of politics, though, Paul seems preternaturally comfortable at war. One particularly instructive example is his feud with New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie. Earlier this summer, Christie accused the libertarian of prioritizing “esoteric, intellectual debates” over national security — a harsh attack that seemed to come out of nowhere. Though Paul didn’t instigate the spat, he happily stretched it out over several days, answering every interviewer’s question about his aggressor, and memorably referring to the governor at one point as “the king of bacon.” The fight fizzled when Paul invited Christie for a beer (he declined), but he has never quite let it go.
When BuzzFeed asked him this week whether he was surprised Christie didn’t engage the Syria debate more directly by staking out a position, Paul paused for a beat before offering a cutting response.
“I guess I didn’t really notice or think about it that much,” he said.
Once dismissed by the GOP establishment as a gadfly, Paul is starting to look a lot like the leader of his party — and his enemies are panicking.
WASHINGTON — Sen. Rand Paul was in the middle of one of his trademark takedowns of the “right-wing hawks” in his party who “have never met a war they didn’t want to get involved in,” when he suddenly paused and began grinning.
“There was a funny article the other day in Mother Jones — did you see it? About one of my colleagues?” he asked.
He was trying to do the polite, senatorial thing by not mentioning his “colleague” by name. But when his vague prompt was met with a blank look during an interview with BuzzFeed, he scrapped the pretense of diplomacy and charged forward.
“It ranked the different countries on how eager Sen. [John] McCain wanted to be involved [militarily],” he explained, not even attempting to contain his amusement. “So, like, for getting involved in Syria, there’s five Angry McCains. For getting involved in the Sudan, there’s two Angry McCains. And there’s a little picture of him. You know, he was for getting involved to support [former Libyan president Muammar] Gaddafi before he was for overthrowing Gaddafi. He was for supporting [former Egyptian president Hosni] Mubarak before he was for supporting the Muslim Brotherhood before he was for supporting the generals.”
Not long ago, the Washington grown-ups who run the Republican Party would have dismissed the junior senator from Kentucky making cracks about an establishment pillar like McCain as little more than the goading of a gadfly. But over the past two weeks, it has become clear that Paul’s brand of Republicanism has spread deeply within his party. He successfully rallied a bipartisan coalition of lawmakers against a military intervention in Syria; thoroughly embarrassed Republican leaders who supported the air strikes; and temporarily elevated himself to the role of de facto foreign policy spokesman for the GOP. When President Obama took his case for war to the American people in a primetime address this week, it was Paul who delivered the unofficial Republican counterargument in a series of interviews and a widely covered speech.
Paul, in short, is winning. The Syria debate marked the first time since House Republicans tried to keep America out of the Kosovo conflict in 1999 that a libertarian approach to foreign policy seriously challenged the GOP’s old-guard caucus of hawks. And this time, the libertarians came out on top. In this context, his McCain mocking didn’t come off as mischievously trolling for a couple headlines — it seemed a little like punching down.
Don’t expect Paul to stop swinging. The plainly ambitious libertarian and prospective 2016 presidential candidate has big plans for his party and his country — plans that will require winning a lot of arguments, defeating a lot of opponents, and effectively conquering a GOP establishment that often treats him like a tumor that needs to be surgically removed. He is always on offense: Over the course of his 20-minute interview with BuzzFeed, he took swipes — with varying degrees of force — at Bill Kristol, Samantha Power, Chris Christie, President Obama, President Bush, Cory Booker, humanitarian interventionists, and pro-war Christians (to name a few).
One of his favorite targets — and the one that most delights the political press — is the Bush-era army of neoconservative Republicans who championed the Patriot Act and led the U.S. into war with Iraq. (Paul believes the U.S. should only use military force when the country’s national security is directly at risk.)
“So many of the neocons in our party, they think they’re the great defenders of the military. They think, Oh, the soldiers must love me because I want to be involved in war,” Paul said, before criticizing the assumption that members of the military are eager to fight. “They will, they volunteered, and they’re the most patriotic of our young people. But they’re not excited about war. They want to go to war if it’s the thing they have to do to defend our country.”
When asked about the misguided prediction Kristol made earlier this month that only five Senate Republicans would side with Paul in opposing the Syria strikes, the senator interjected to ask, “You saw my response to him?” (Paul had challenged his neoconservative nemesis to visit a military base and talk to GIs before assuming popular opinion was on his side.) Satisfied that his jab had properly penetrated the media sphere, he proceeded to lay out where he believed the votes stood in the Senate. His estimate that 20 or 25 Republicans would vote no was probably modest: The latest unofficial count suggests the number could top 30.
It would be easy to mistake Paul’s successes this year — from his campaign against the Syria intervention to his attention-grabbing filibuster against U.S. drone use to the public backlash against the types of domestic surveillance programs he’d been warning about for years — as some sort of permanent sea change in American politics.
Paul knows better. He acknowledges that his ideas have benefited from “a degree of partisanship” on the right. Republicans, after all, might not be quite so skeptical of executive power, or outspoken against the ever-expanding surveillance state, once one of their own is in the Oval Office. What’s more, he spent enough time watching the GOP ignore, then laugh at, then co-opt, then abandon his father’s libertarian platform to recognize the fickleness that can define political parties.
But he is also adamant that his agenda’s growing popularity is a product of the times: “There’s a big transition in the Republican Party, but also in the public. People are right about the public being war-weary. They’re right.”
Meanwhile, his recognition that the fight is nowhere near won seems to fuel his apparently endless appetite for political combat.
Paul often aims at the president, using his nonstandard political philosophy to find fresh critiques of the administration. He laid into the “Samantha Powers of the world” who foolishly want to “send troops to feed people” in remote countries all over the world. And he called out Obama himself, whose rationale for putting armed forces at risk in Syria he finds indefensible.
“The other day, when [the president] came to lunch, [he said] that we’re not facing very many direct threats in this world to the United States… and so you’re going to have to be involved in much more ambiguous situations,” Paul recalled. “I’m guessing he wouldn’t use that term in public but that’s the term he used with us.”
Paul also finds plenty to dislike in his own party’s approach to beating the war drum — particularly the theological overtones of the Bush years. In a strikingly candid speech last year at the Value Voters Summit, Paul, a Presbyterian, cited his religious beliefs while declaring, “I’m not a pacifist. But I do think it unacceptable not to hate war.”
He elaborated to BuzzFeed: “I think some within the Christian community are such great defenders of the promised land and the chosen people that they think war is always the answer, maybe even preemptive war. And I think it’s hard to square the idea of a preemptive war and, to me, that over-eagerness [to go to] war, with Christianity.”
In the world of politics, though, Paul seems preternaturally comfortable at war. One particularly instructive example is his feud with New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie. Earlier this summer, Christie accused the libertarian of prioritizing “esoteric, intellectual debates” over national security — a harsh attack that seemed to come out of nowhere. Though Paul didn’t instigate the spat, he happily stretched it out over several days, answering every interviewer’s question about his aggressor, and memorably referring to the governor at one point as “the king of bacon.” The fight fizzled when Paul invited Christie for a beer (he declined), but he has never quite let it go.
When BuzzFeed asked him this week whether he was surprised Christie didn’t engage the Syria debate more directly by staking out a position, Paul paused for a beat before offering a cutting response.
“I guess I didn’t really notice or think about it that much,” he said.
![Photo: Rand Paul On The War Path
Once dismissed by the GOP establishment as a gadfly, Paul is starting to look a lot like the leader of his party — and his enemies are panicking.
WASHINGTON — Sen. Rand Paul was in the middle of one of his trademark takedowns of the “right-wing hawks” in his party who “have never met a war they didn’t want to get involved in,” when he suddenly paused and began grinning.
“There was a funny article the other day in Mother Jones — did you see it? About one of my colleagues?” he asked.
He was trying to do the polite, senatorial thing by not mentioning his “colleague” by name. But when his vague prompt was met with a blank look during an interview with BuzzFeed, he scrapped the pretense of diplomacy and charged forward.
“It ranked the different countries on how eager Sen. [John] McCain wanted to be involved [militarily],” he explained, not even attempting to contain his amusement. “So, like, for getting involved in Syria, there’s five Angry McCains. For getting involved in the Sudan, there’s two Angry McCains. And there’s a little picture of him. You know, he was for getting involved to support [former Libyan president Muammar] Gaddafi before he was for overthrowing Gaddafi. He was for supporting [former Egyptian president Hosni] Mubarak before he was for supporting the Muslim Brotherhood before he was for supporting the generals.”
Not long ago, the Washington grown-ups who run the Republican Party would have dismissed the junior senator from Kentucky making cracks about an establishment pillar like McCain as little more than the goading of a gadfly. But over the past two weeks, it has become clear that Paul’s brand of Republicanism has spread deeply within his party. He successfully rallied a bipartisan coalition of lawmakers against a military intervention in Syria; thoroughly embarrassed Republican leaders who supported the air strikes; and temporarily elevated himself to the role of de facto foreign policy spokesman for the GOP. When President Obama took his case for war to the American people in a primetime address this week, it was Paul who delivered the unofficial Republican counterargument in a series of interviews and a widely covered speech.
Paul, in short, is winning. The Syria debate marked the first time since House Republicans tried to keep America out of the Kosovo conflict in 1999 that a libertarian approach to foreign policy seriously challenged the GOP’s old-guard caucus of hawks. And this time, the libertarians came out on top. In this context, his McCain mocking didn’t come off as mischievously trolling for a couple headlines — it seemed a little like punching down.
Don’t expect Paul to stop swinging. The plainly ambitious libertarian and prospective 2016 presidential candidate has big plans for his party and his country — plans that will require winning a lot of arguments, defeating a lot of opponents, and effectively conquering a GOP establishment that often treats him like a tumor that needs to be surgically removed. He is always on offense: Over the course of his 20-minute interview with BuzzFeed, he took swipes — with varying degrees of force — at Bill Kristol, Samantha Power, Chris Christie, President Obama, President Bush, Cory Booker, humanitarian interventionists, and pro-war Christians (to name a few).
One of his favorite targets — and the one that most delights the political press — is the Bush-era army of neoconservative Republicans who championed the Patriot Act and led the U.S. into war with Iraq. (Paul believes the U.S. should only use military force when the country’s national security is directly at risk.)
“So many of the neocons in our party, they think they’re the great defenders of the military. They think, Oh, the soldiers must love me because I want to be involved in war,” Paul said, before criticizing the assumption that members of the military are eager to fight. “They will, they volunteered, and they’re the most patriotic of our young people. But they’re not excited about war. They want to go to war if it’s the thing they have to do to defend our country.”
When asked about the misguided prediction Kristol made earlier this month that only five Senate Republicans would side with Paul in opposing the Syria strikes, the senator interjected to ask, “You saw my response to him?” (Paul had challenged his neoconservative nemesis to visit a military base and talk to GIs before assuming popular opinion was on his side.) Satisfied that his jab had properly penetrated the media sphere, he proceeded to lay out where he believed the votes stood in the Senate. His estimate that 20 or 25 Republicans would vote no was probably modest: The latest unofficial count suggests the number could top 30.
It would be easy to mistake Paul’s successes this year — from his campaign against the Syria intervention to his attention-grabbing filibuster against U.S. drone use to the public backlash against the types of domestic surveillance programs he’d been warning about for years — as some sort of permanent sea change in American politics.
Paul knows better. He acknowledges that his ideas have benefited from “a degree of partisanship” on the right. Republicans, after all, might not be quite so skeptical of executive power, or outspoken against the ever-expanding surveillance state, once one of their own is in the Oval Office. What’s more, he spent enough time watching the GOP ignore, then laugh at, then co-opt, then abandon his father’s libertarian platform to recognize the fickleness that can define political parties.
But he is also adamant that his agenda’s growing popularity is a product of the times: “There’s a big transition in the Republican Party, but also in the public. People are right about the public being war-weary. They’re right.”
Meanwhile, his recognition that the fight is nowhere near won seems to fuel his apparently endless appetite for political combat.
Paul often aims at the president, using his nonstandard political philosophy to find fresh critiques of the administration. He laid into the “Samantha Powers of the world” who foolishly want to “send troops to feed people” in remote countries all over the world. And he called out Obama himself, whose rationale for putting armed forces at risk in Syria he finds indefensible.
“The other day, when [the president] came to lunch, [he said] that we’re not facing very many direct threats in this world to the United States… and so you’re going to have to be involved in much more ambiguous situations,” Paul recalled. “I’m guessing he wouldn’t use that term in public but that’s the term he used with us.”
Paul also finds plenty to dislike in his own party’s approach to beating the war drum — particularly the theological overtones of the Bush years. In a strikingly candid speech last year at the Value Voters Summit, Paul, a Presbyterian, cited his religious beliefs while declaring, “I’m not a pacifist. But I do think it unacceptable not to hate war.”
He elaborated to BuzzFeed: “I think some within the Christian community are such great defenders of the promised land and the chosen people that they think war is always the answer, maybe even preemptive war. And I think it’s hard to square the idea of a preemptive war and, to me, that over-eagerness [to go to] war, with Christianity.”
In the world of politics, though, Paul seems preternaturally comfortable at war. One particularly instructive example is his feud with New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie. Earlier this summer, Christie accused the libertarian of prioritizing “esoteric, intellectual debates” over national security — a harsh attack that seemed to come out of nowhere. Though Paul didn’t instigate the spat, he happily stretched it out over several days, answering every interviewer’s question about his aggressor, and memorably referring to the governor at one point as “the king of bacon.” The fight fizzled when Paul invited Christie for a beer (he declined), but he has never quite let it go.
When BuzzFeed asked him this week whether he was surprised Christie didn’t engage the Syria debate more directly by staking out a position, Paul paused for a beat before offering a cutting response.
“I guess I didn’t really notice or think about it that much,” he said.](https://scontent-b-ord.xx.fbcdn.net/hphotos-frc3/p480x480/1235184_10202045247241395_102207387_n.jpg)
Good on Conceal Carry
One
guy is dead, one guy with a bullet in him (see photo of him in comment
section below). In Texas if you are a thug, you have a shorter life
expectancy than you do in Illinois as a thug..and that's not long.
Concealed carry will save your life. The average thug that leaves prison
lasts about 32 months before he is either back in jail or dead if he
persists in thuggery.
Black American citizens file “Articles of Impeachment” against Obama
NBRA Chairman Frances Rice, Esquire
We, black American citizens, in order
to free ourselves and our fellow citizens from governmental tyranny, do
herewith submit these Articles of Impeachment to Congress for the
removal of President Barack H. Obama, aka, Barry Soetoro, from office
for his attack on liberty and commission of egregious acts of despotism
that constitute high crimes and misdemeanors.
On July 4, 1776, the founders of our
nation declared their independence from governmental tyranny and
reaffirmed their faith in independence with the ratification of the Bill
of Rights in 1791. Asserting their right to break free from the
tyranny of a nation that denied them the civil liberties that are our
birthright, the founders declared:
“When a long train of abuses and
usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to
reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their
duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their
future security.” - Declaration of Independence, July 4, 1776.
Tuesday, September 10, 2013
Here's a 182 page Study to tell you this, Companies pay more to people who know how to do stuff
I think its time for Heck's Angels to Arise.
I
think the administration should send out their Americorp army to arrest
the Bikers. There will only be 2 million of them. What could possibly
go wrong? CNN, MSNBC
will avoid all mention of this. BUT the Muslim March on Washington will
get lots of coverage... This will be interesting. Time to stand
against an encroaching evil.
Bikers undeterred after denied permit for 9/11 rally, Muslims approved
creepingsharia.wordpress.com
Will
the media ignore this event? via Bikers denied no-stop permit for 9/11
rally, apologize to residents - BizPac Review. The countdown to Sept. 11
Regarding Syria...
how did we decline from Shock and Awe ten years ago to Shuck
and Jive today? We are a leaderless paper tiger. The world is really
laughing at us now. We may be more vulnerable to attack then ever
before. So sad.
And we wonder which side we should support??
Jesus spoke Aramaic. There are a few villages where the language is still spoken. I have spoken with people from these villages, they drive cabs in Chicago. The Syrian Rebels are on a rampage to kill these people. And we wonder which side we should support??
I watched the whole interview last night, VERY CAREFULLY.
I watched for
glitches, tells, anything. Assad is a brutal man, but he is so far
above Barack Obama in skill and articulation under pressure it's scary.
He never flinched, he never stumbled,
he sat under the most withering of verbal fire from Charlie Rose and
held his ground. It made me wish we had a leader with his competence
(not brutality). We haven't had one for quite some time... Clinton
might have been our last and Reagan before him, then all the way back to
JFK. We have had a pretty weak stable of horses, and this one is the
weakest. We must start electing better Presidents.
After the last couple weeks of a clumsy dithering debacle these quotes seem relevant:
Written almost 100 years ago
*"As democracy is perfected, the office of the President represents, more and more closely, the inner soul of the people. On some great and glorious day, the plain folks of the land will reach their heart's desire at last and the White House will be occupied by a downright fool and complete narcissistic moron."
----H.L. Mencken, The Baltimore Evening Sun, July 26, 1920*
Written the day after the presidential election of 2012
“I think that the country can survive four more years of Obama, But I don’t believe the country can survive in a country full of people who would re-elect him.”
Rush Limbaugh, Radio Commentator November 7, 2012
I guess marrying and murdering by brute sex little 8 year old girls is "ISLAMIC"..
. or do I have that wrong? And people wonder if Islamic
rebels would gas their own people.
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